In a remarkable reflection of burgeoning strategic relations between former foes, America deployed an aircraft carrier group to Vietnam for the first time in more than four decades.
The USS Carl Vinson, a 103,000-ton aircraft carrier, along with two other large warships, arrived on Monday at the Vietnamese port of Da Nang on a five-day good will visit.
It marked the largest American military presence on Vietnamese shores since 1975, signaling the emergence of an unlikely alliance between Washington and the Southeast Asian communist regime.
In its National Security Strategy (NSS) paper, released last December, the Trump administration identified Vietnam as a “cooperative maritime partner”, underlining Hanoi’s emergence as a key player in preserving the existing order in the East Asian seascape.
“The visit marks an enormously significant milestone in our bilateral relations and demonstrates US support for a strong, prosperous, and independent Vietnam,” declared Daniel Kritenbrink, the US ambassador to Vietnam.
“Through hard work, mutual respect, and by continuing to address the past while we work towards a better future, we have gone from former enemies to close partners,” he continued.
What lies at the heart of rapidly warming ties between the two former enemies is the rise of China, particularly its growing military presence across the South China Sea, which has threatened Vietnam’s territorial and maritime interests as well as America’s naval hegemony in Asia.
With America’s traditional regional allies such as Thailand and the Philippines adopting an increasingly Beijing-leaning foreign policy, Washington has been scrambling for new and reliable strategic partners in Southeast Asia.
Determined to protect its claims in the South China Sea, Hanoi has emerged as the leading — if not lone — voice of resistance against Chinese maritime assertiveness.
Yet it is far from assured if the highly symbolic USS Carl Vinson’s high-profile visit will soon translate into a tangible military alliance against China.
In recent years, Vietnam has consistently been at the forefront of multilateral diplomatic efforts, particularly in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), to criticize China’s massive reclamation activities across disputed land features in the South China Sea.
In response to China’s rapid militarization of artificially created islands, Vietnam has embarked on limited reclamation activities of its own, accompanied by deployment of weapons systems, including precision-guided artilleries, to some of its islands in the Spratlys.
More broadly, Vietnam has rapidly expanded its naval capabilities, including the purchase of kilo-class submarines from Russia and the development of its naval facilities in the highly strategic port of Da Nang.
The Southeast Asian country has also opened various gas fields within its exclusive economic zone, which is contested by China, to state-owned energy companies from Russia and India. In this way Hanoi aims to deepen the stakes of other major powers in protecting its resources and maritime claims in the South China Sea.
As a matter of national security doctrine, the fiercely independent Vietnam has adopted a ‘three no’s’ policy of non-alignment with one power bloc against another, non-hosting of foreign military bases on its soil, and non-alliance with and dependence on any external power.
In a classic exercise of strategic diversification, however, Hanoi has reached out to major regional powers such as Russia, India, and Japan to shore up its maritime defense and domain awareness capabilities.
Cognizant of its economic dependence on China, Vietnam has sought to attract large-scale investments from Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Western countries.
It has also sought to join the Transpacific Partnership Agreement (TPP), currently resuscitated as TPP-11 (minus the United States), in order to expand its export markets and sources of capital and technology.
Hanoi has thus managed to develop a modicum of strategic space as well as minimum deterrence against Chinese revanchist intentions within Vietnamese waters.
Nonetheless, the Southeast Asian country remains deeply insecure and dreads the prospect of strategic isolation. That dread is rooted in China’s growing military muscle and regional economic influence as well as the increasingly acquiescent policies of other regional claimant states, namely the Philippines under pro-China President Rodrigo Duterte.
Within Asean, for instance, Vietnam has often found itself as the lone voice standing up to Chinese maritime assertiveness, with the rest of the region preferring strategic accommodation and continued economic engagement with the Asian powerhouse.
By reaching out to America, Vietnam hopes to strengthen its hand against China. Yet, this strategy not only runs the risk of backfiring, provoking China into more aggressive action, but also faces immense structural constraints.
While Vietnam is intent on holding Chinese maritime ambitions at bay, it is also highly vulnerable to Chinese economic and military reprisals. Vietnam shares extensive land and maritime borders not only with China but also immediate China-leaning neighbors such as Cambodia.
Meanwhile, the US Congress has been reluctant to sanction sales of advanced weaponries to the communist regime, which has been constantly accused of widespread human rights violations. To date, there has been no major arms deal on the table.
Much of Vietnam’s weaponries are of Russian origin, raising concerns over technological compatibility if the Southeast Asian country were to incorporate American weaponries. Moreover, there are broader concerns over the reliability and wherewithal of America to stand up to China when push comes to shove.
Ultimately Hanoi deeply fears the prospect of strategic abandonment in the event of more explicit alignment with America and like-minded regional powers. No wonder it remains doubtful if the highly promising partnership will ever translate into a full-fledged alliance against China.
Yet China allied with America when it suited her.
Richard Truong
No. But the Chinese they thought a whole lot worse.
Just proves again to me, an Indian, that the Chinese are hateful punks and the Americans are incurable shits. And some Vietnamese are whores ready to forget the millions of their people mercilessly slaughtered by the Americans. We need to fight off the Chinese and so need these American scum. But they are shit.
Whoo Says
And they love Americans probably?
One little detail that many Americans forgot: Among the Vietnamese leadership, many still have their father, uncles, brothers, or even mother killed in the war. Maybe, Americans can forgive Vietnam for kicking them out, but the death of a family member among millions of families is not something Vietnam could forget easily.
And on top of that, would Vietnam be ready to go straight back to war again after more than a 100 years of war against the West? For what? Die for its father’s killers? Or for those obsolete second-hand weapons? Or, for American protection with its fleets of training target?Otherwise, I don’t see much of economic benefits Americans can offer on the table for the Vietnamese because the US is broke itself.
Americans have that admirable sense of wishful thinking that almost could make a fairy tale a reality. Unfortunately, the World is not Hollywood and reality is reality.
Every Vietnamese I have met hated and despised China.
Gil Peralta…….Your [world dominance is US’s motive] idea is flawed becaue (1 ) the US did not stop the Philippine Duterte’s rebellion, and (2) the US did not force Vietnam to enter into an alliance against China. That is to say, whether the Asian nations want China or America is up to the Asian nations’ choice. Thus, with such a US stance, peace is US’s real motive.
When you screw people, do it hard. They will be your bitch forever. Vietnam is an American bitch.
Before the visit by Carl Vinson Vietnam had month being explaining the reasons for such visit to the Chinese. You can bet they received the green light from Beijing for the visit. I won’t make much of it for the US aircraft carrier also makes port call at Hong Kong, of course with Beijing’s permission. It the past such event would have rattled the nerves in Beijing. Now they are no longer awed by it. It’s a common event. Such port visit is helping in promoting peace in the region. I am sure millitary vessels from other countries will be doing the same.
We have the spewing picture of Modi hug in template.
Can you imagine John Waynesque POTUS receiving former Vietcong Charlie!
Vietnam has not forgotten and will never forget that USA had invaded Vietnam in the 1960s and early 1970s and had murdered millions of Vietnamese with bombs, napalm and Agent Orange, whose effects are felt even today.
So long as USA is the major market for Vietnamese export products. Vietnam is prepared to make concessions to USA. But the time is changing. For the first two months of 2018, China imported more Vietnamese products than USA. If this trend continues, over the next few years, China will become the most important market for Vietnamese products and there will be no reason why Vietnam should make any concessions to USA. If anything, Vietnam will demand reparations for the wrongs USA had done to Vietnam.
Those who believe that Vietnam will do anything but go through the motions supporting the US program to contain China should read the joint statements which are issued after meetings of the leaders of the CPV and the CPC. A high profile visit by an aircraft carrier has great symbolic value and holds out hope for the anti-China crowd in Washington.
Now , where are the trolls praising virtues of Communist China’s virtues in SCS?