Mention Nepal anywhere and images of snow-capped peaks, temples, indomitable Sherpas, legendary Gurkha soldiers and friendly, hospitable people spring to mind.
But this beautiful country and its remarkable people have far more dimensions than this myopic perception.
How is it that a country whose people have a reputation for loyalty, selfless devotion to duty, human integrity and a stubborn resilience to the assaults of both nature and mankind, lurches from one political crisis to another?
Virtually a “closed kingdom” until 1953, it emerged from this cocoon rubbing the sand from sleepy eyes and embarking on the complex process of trying to catch up with the world around it. The country lacked both the physical and human infrastructure that would have developed naturally.
No study of Nepal can begin without recognizing that its population is divided along diverse ethnic, linguistic and religious lines.
At the outset of its transition to a constitutional democracy, the ethnic group with the greatest experience of the outside world was the Gurkha soldiers who had served in the Indian and British armies since 1815.
Second place in what might be termed international exposure were the Newari merchants, indigenous to the Kathmandu Valley, but with historically established trading links with Tibet and India.
Read: Why Hong Kong should not wash its hands of Gurkha history
Ironically, very few from these groups have made the transition to politics.
Nepal’s political class is riven with a systemic corruption so profound that it is a given that nothing, but nothing, can be achieved without greasing the appropriate palm, from Prime Minister to peon.
That this is accepted as the norm can only be regarded as fatalistic toleration, accepted with the same equanimity as earthquakes, landslides, floods and harvest failures.
There is a hardy element in the Nepalese psyche, which enables them to smile at their misfortune and then turn and put their shoulder back to the wheel.
This indomitability is to be found in the substantial Nepalese community in Hong Kong.
Before the handover in 1997, the border with China had to be guarded against illegal immigrants fleeing the mainland who were desperate for an opportunity to live and work in a free society.
A significant part of protecting the borders rested on the Gurkha soldiers of the British Army, many of whom were accompanied by their families.
That, in turn, led to large numbers of Nepalese children being born in Hong Kong and acquiring permanent resident status.
Hence, today, it is no exaggeration to say that a substantial percentage of the hospitality industry in Hong Kong, especially the bars and restaurants, are staffed by Nepalese.
Employers know that they are hard working, honest and reliable, and customers warm to their friendly demeanor and smiling faces.
The construction industry, too, depends in no small part on Nepalese workers, with quite a high percentage sustaining industrial workplace injuries, indicative of the risks to which they are exposed.
They are security guards, hairdressers, chefs and a large number of women are street cleaners in Central. A handful of them are journalists, solicitors and para-legals.
Most are now second-generation and some third-generation Hong Kongers; this is their home.
Regarding their critical contribution to Hong Kong, one might reasonably expect that the government would value this minority but, regrettably, the opposite is true.
As with all ethnic minority children in Hong Kong, the education system is deliberately designed to consign them to as second-class citizens with almost no opportunities for higher employment.
Unless they speak, read and write Cantonese they will not be admitted into good public primary schools, thereby forcing them into the poorly equipped schools that condemn them economically and culturally.
The Education Department refuses to accommodate them by introducing the subject of Cantonese as a second language in schools, a simple step that would provide them and other minorities the opportunity to fully integrate into the local community that would, thereby, be enriched.
The schools that they can attend will rarely, if ever, afford them the opportunity to acquire sufficient skills in spoken and written Cantonese to pass the entrance examinations for jobs for which, in almost every other respect, they are well qualified.
Police, fire brigade and ambulance and nursing services would all benefit hugely if they were able to recruit from the Nepalese community; these are a people to whom discipline and service come naturally.
By way of comparison, Singapore’s equivalent of Hong Kong’s Police Tactical Unit is exclusively manned by Nepalese and they are not required to speak Putonghua.
Even Nepalese wishing to visit Hong Kong have to go through a series of administrative hoops designed to make it difficult to obtain a tourist visa and when they do arrive, immigration usually give them a hard time.
These are a great and gifted people, net contributors to any community in which they live yet whether under the corrupt regime in their native land or the restrictive system in Hong Kong they endure artificial limitations on their capacity to flourish.
In Nepal, it will take a selfless visionary patriot to effect change, perhaps they can only dream. In Hong Kong, a mere minor change of mindset in the Education Department is all that is needed.
As a non-Cantonese speaking permanent resident of Hong Kong, I am increasingly aware of the government’s xenophobic agenda, but as an English speaker I enjoy the qualified benefit of the Basic Law’s protection of the status of my native tongue.
For a Hong Kong born Nepalese, there is no such comfort, statutory or moral.
Good article to know the situation of minority communities in HK.The liberal policies of Singapore are more pronounced on education attainment and respects for people who selflessly serve the nation.
Nepal is a country which has a long history of communal harmony where all castes, religions and languages have survived and flourished with tolerance and co-existence. The Nepali language establishes the unity and collective identity of the diverse ethnic groups of Nepal. The Nepali Language has been both the official and the Lingua Franca between ethnic groups of Nepal (as well as abroad). Because it is the international language, we respect English language too. We regard the Hindi Language also but not as an official language, because everybody has their own mother languages. If Hindi also is accepted as an official language, that will mean the domination of India. And we’ll never support the suicidal demands of Indian agents.
Since 2006, we, the Nepalese people are fighting against the naked intervention of India’s RAW and CIA. The Republic, secularism and federalism are agendas of India-RAW & the CIA but are not the actual issues of Nepal. The reality is that we should have Nepal as a good example of ‘unity in diversity.’ That is, we must recognize the multi-cultures and multi-languages of Nepal as the national assets.
Now, it’s because of our corrupt leaders we have to be dependent on India. There was a time in Nepal about 15 to 20 years back, where food was cheaper in Nepal than in India. We even had good factories for cloth, cement, leather etc. In the name of privatization our corrupt leaders fell prey to Indian conspiracy and sold the factories to Indian brokers by the traitor’s regime. So, the main problem in Nepal is actually the corrupt and culprit leaders, who are backed up by foreigners and don’t feel responsible towards the country.
To save Nepal they should join hands with the royal institution and stand against expansionist and imperialist conspiracy and fight imperialist force. Due to the Nepali Congress’s and UML’s downfall, since 10 years ago, the regime was handed-over to the King Gyanendra in 2001. The situation was such that the king had to take over the power in a hurry. But, the Congress and UML did not support the King and instead joined hands with the Maoist rebels by the command of the Indian intelligence agency-RAW and foreign leaders. As we already know that, the state system must run on the basis of reason and result. To only blame the royal institution, taking it as the cause for all the problems is nothing but treachery.
The reality of the crisis in Nepal is that the Nepali Congress (NC), UML and Maoists had betrayed the political agreement of 2006 with King Gyanendra. No one can succeed by breaking an agreement. In 2006 the agitators were pleading for monarchy as an alternative force in times of crisis. An agreement was reached to reinstate the House of Representatives, which was dissolved under NC recommendation-2002, although the monarchy did not posses the right to reinstate it. The monarchy reinstated the parliament and appointed Girija Prasad Koirala to the post of premiership. The oath of office ceremony for the Prime Minister was administered by the king himself in the royal palace premises. Gradually, the agreement reached with the king was broken and the royal institution was attacked, which is a huge betrayal to Nepal.
After the political betrayal, the foreigners became active- especially RAW, the CIA, Europeans nations and UNMIN, by taking some of the Brahmin leaders into their confidence. That transitional time made it easy for them to destroy the Nepalese identity. The Royal institution, a Hindu and Buddha Kingdom and the Nepalese language are fundamentals of our national unity.
Since 2006 anarchy and lawlessness are ruling the roost in Nepal. Criminals are roaming freely if they are Maoists or unseen force. These criminals’ gangs fear no one because they have been given the backing of the political party leaders. Many criminals are executing serious crimes even in broad daylight. The Nepalese people are feeling that the country is in the worst situation in Nepalese history. The Constitution of 1990 was forcibly removed by the same vicious circle using unilateral and undemocratic process. It would cure Nepal to reinstate the ‘constitution of 1990’ in order to fill-up the democratic and constitutional gap with the presence of monarchy, political parties and nationalist forces including the army, police, court and various organizations of the nation. From that path, we can get the solution and then all the nationalists should move ahead by creating coordinative relations between nationality, the Royal Institution and democracy.
Thank you
Dirgha Raj Prasai
Kathmandu
Yes a well written article. I agree entirely. As a non chinese resident of Hong Kong for 55 years we need to, as a nation, take advantage of our unique inner multi cultural resources to reach out globally. The next twenty years will be the toughest ever, but if we come together, we will, as we have always done;survive and flourish
How can u serve our country when u dont speak our language? Most Singaporeans can speak english but not HKers. This is a ridiculous comparison. I cant imagine a policeman, doctor, nurse, fireman, government officer who can work without talking to our ppl. We have chinese classes in the schools specially made for your kids plus after school support. U cant speak our language is nobody’s fault except yourself. I learn German all by myself at the age of 30 without paying a dollar. There r so many free resources online. Library books n newspaper, TV, Radio, etc r all free in HK. If u wanna practise speaking u r more than welcomed by most ppl. What else do u want? Its your OWN responsibility to learn n integrate even if u hv to pay money, time n efforts. Nobody else has to do that for u!
U dun even speak our language either cantonese n mandarin, how do u think u r a HKer? Even a Chinese who cannot speak cantonese is not regarded as a HKer. U r only officially HK resident but will never be accepted as a real HKer in the society. Dont u understand? This is a Chinese society. Singapore is a multi mix of diff nations but not HK. U dont read the same newspaper, watch the same TV, know our discussion platform, U dont even know our culture!