Migrant domestic workers in Beirut on May 5, 2019, call for the abolition of the sponsorship (kafala) system and for the inclusion of domestic workers in Lebanese labor laws. Photo: AFP / Anwar Amro

While much of the US and other Western countries remain convulsed with Black Lives Matter protests, the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region should use this moment to address its own problem of anti-black racism. From Basra to Beirut and from Tunis to Tel Aviv, anti-black racism exists in various forms across the region.

In the MENA region, it is mostly the consequence of centuries of slavery, with black Africans sold in slave markets across the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf region. Indeed, in some parts of the Arab Gulf region, slavery was abolished only as recently as the 1970s. This is also why racial insults hurled at black people in these countries often refer to them as “slaves” or “servants.”

This racist mindset also leads to widespread systemic discrimination against black people throughout the region. Basra in southern Iraq is home to the majority of the country’s estimated 1.2 million black population. Black Iraqis have long complained of systemic racism, with limited access to housing, education, health care and all but the most menial jobs.

While black communities in some MENA countries grapple with the legacy of slavery, others still face modern-day slavery or conditions akin to it.

Mauritania is one of the last countries on the planet where slavery continues to this day. The Global Slavery Index of 2018 estimates there are about 90,000 black Mauritanians, or roughly 2.4% of the population, bound to a caste system that is a form of modern-day slavery, with their enslavement inherited from ancestors and passed down to their children.

Slavery was abolished in Mauritania in 1981 but it was not until 2007 that it was made a crime, and then only in response to international pressure, with successive governments failing to eradicate the scourge.

A similar caste-like black community exists at the margins of society in Yemen. They call themselves the Muhamasheen (“the marginalized”), but other Yemenis refer to them pejoratively as the Akhdam (“the servants”). Many survive by begging. Not surprisingly, this community has borne the brunt of Yemen’s ongoing civil war.

While countries like Mauritania and Yemen grapple with centuries-old practices, others have seen slavery rear its ugly head in modern times. Black Africans have long used Libya’s Mediterranean coast as a staging post from which to attempt to reach Europe. Several migrants have been enslaved and tortured by Libyan militias, and subsequently sold in open-air slave markets.

Popular culture in the MENA region is also rife with anti-black racism, from caricatures of black people used for comedy to erasing them completely from depictions of national culture. The national media in Tunisia, for example, portray the country’s citizens as light-skinned. It might come as a shock that 15% of Tunisians are black.

Iran has a sizable black population living along the country’s south coast. Their contribution to the culture of that region – whether in terms of cuisine, spirituality or to the unique bandari music – is immense. But Iranian popular culture would have us believe the country is populated only by fair-skinned Persians.

This comes largely from the “Aryan myth” of Iranian nationalism. Depictions of black people are limited to stereotypes or pale-skinned people in “blackface” – theatrical makeup used to portray racist caricatures of black people. Indeed, early Iranian theater often featured a type of comedy performance known as Siah-Bazi, a term meaning “playing black.”

In the Arab world, more recently, several Arabic-language networks have come in for criticism for their racist depiction of black people in hidden-camera practical-joke reality television shows.

Almost a year ago, protesters marched through cities in Israel calling for an end to anti-black police brutality and discrimination in housing, health care and education. One of the most horrifying examples of anti-black racism in Israel occurred in 2016, when the government admitted to having given Ethiopian-Israeli women long-term contraceptives without their consent. The community’s birth rate has halved over the past decade.

Perhaps the most egregious form of institutionalized racism in the MENA region is the kafala system of hiring migrant workers in Lebanon and parts of the Gulf region, which has been described as a modern-day from of slavery. The kafala system, which is not covered by regular labor laws in Lebanon, gives employers total control over the legal residency of “their” workers.

Every so often, horrific kafala-related stories emerge of migrant workers, most of them African, being made to work long hours without pay, tortured, sexually abused and even murdered, with little or no recourse to the law for help. Racism also pervades the tourism and hospitality sector in Lebanon and parts of the Gulf region, with African and South Asian tourists complaining of being denied entry to trendy bars and clubs.

If there is to be any impetus for change in the MENA region, it is likely to come from civil society. For example, recent protests against Lebanon’s corrupt political class were led by the youth of the country and included calls to abolish kafala. In 2018, Tunisia became the first MENA country to pass a wide-ranging anti-racism law.

But much more needs to be done. MENA countries need to rethink their concept of nationalism, redefine the meaning of citizenship and renegotiate the social contract between citizen and state. If there is to be any hope of dismantling racism and every vestige of slavery in the region, those are fundamental imperatives.

This article was provided by Syndication Bureau, which holds copyright.

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Dnyanesh Kamat

Dnyanesh Kamat is a political analyst who focuses on the Middle East and South Asia. He also advises governments on policies and strategic initiatives to foster growth in the creative industries such as media, entertainment and culture.