Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman. Photo: Reuters
Former spy Saad Aljabri has accused Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, pictured, of sending a hit squad to Canada to kill and dismember him in 2018. Photo: Reuters

Glenn Greenwald has described Washington Post columnist David Ignatius as an “all-but-official CIA media spokesman”; Adam Johnson of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) criticizes Ignatius for “breathlessly updating US readers on the token, meaningless public relations gestures that the Saudi regime – and, by extension, Ignatius – refer to as ‘reforms.’”

So Ignatius’ fascinating tale of intrigue, “The Khashoggi killing had roots in a cutthroat Saudi feud,” published on Tuesday in the Post, is especially revelatory. Far from whitewashing the Saudi regime, Ignatius depicts the royal court as a cockpit of rage, corruption, and respectable gangsterism. If Ignatius’ reporting reflects the thinking of the US Central Intelligence Agency, his latest piece suggests the CIA has turned on Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman (MBS) in a significant way.

In his latest piece, Ignatius drops the trope of MBS as an “autocratic young leader in a hurry” in favor of diverse sources who depict the prince as vicious, violent and deceptive. (One of those sources, it seems clear, is former CIA director John Brennan, who served as the agency’s station chief in Riyadh in the 1990s.)

After assuming power, Ignatius writes, MBS “became increasingly anxious and aggressive toward those he considered enemies. Starting in the spring of 2017, a team of Saudi intelligence operatives, under the control of the royal court, began organizing kidnappings of dissidents abroad and at home, according to US and Saudi experts.”

The crime spree that followed included an attempt to deceive China’s Ministry of State Security to detain one of MBS’s rivals on bogus terrorism charges. When the ruse failed, MBS organized his own kidnapping operation.


MBS ordered Saudi intelligence to do to “dissidents” what the CIA does to suspected terrorists: “rendition” them to “black sites.” Ignatius writes:

“Starting in the spring of 2017, the Saudis began a secret program for kidnapping dissidents and holding them at secret sites, according to knowledgeable US and Saudi experts. The program involved a special ‘tiger team’ operating in tandem with the Center for Studies and Media Affairs at the royal court, headed by Qahtani.”

Saud al-Qahtani is an MBS associate whom Ignatius describes as “a lawyer and former Air Force member with a penchant for hacking and social media.” Ignatius’ story confirms that the crown prince’s operating style reeks of improvisational and brutal amateurism.

The operation to liquidate Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi, a royal insider turned critic, was standard operating procedure for MBS.

In a closing passage, Ignatius summarizes the CIA case against the crown prince and his henchmen:

“The Saudi public prosecutor has arrested 18 Saudis in the case, including Maher Mutreb, a former intelligence officer and sometime bodyguard for MBS, who Saudi officials have charged was the leader of the team that murdered Khashoggi. Qahtani and [General Ahmed al-]Assiri have both been fired from their jobs, and Qahtani is among 17 Saudis sanctioned by the US Treasury for their alleged roles in the Post journalist’s death. The Treasury statement said that Qahtani ‘was part of the planning and execution of the operation’ and that Mutreb ‘coordinated and executed’ it.”


In a phone interview, Ignatius told me he had personally learned something about MBS in reporting the story. Until Jamal Khashoggi vanished, the Post columnist wrote about the crown prince in a way that was balanced but always positive. In a 2016 profile of MBS, Ignatius said the young prince “could jumpstart the kingdom – or drive it off a cliff.

Last summer he wrote, “I’m still rooting for MBS to succeed in reforming culture, religion and society in the biggest, most important Sunni Arab economy.”

“I think I got the two big issues right,” Ignatius told me. “I think the kingdom has to modernize, and MBS embraced modernization. I tried to get at the reckless side of his character, but I didn’t see it as clearly [then].”

‘Fed up’

The conflict in Washington is subterranean but profound. The CIA, it seems, wants to wash its hands of the crown prince. President Donald Trump, obviously, does not. Where does this end?

Ignatius told me that when Congress approved a bill in 2016 allowing the families of victims of the September 11, 2001, attacks to sue members of the government in Riyadh, “the Saudis realized they had fewer friends in Washington than they thought.”

“People think the Saudis haven’t done enough to fight terrorism,” he went on. “They are fed up with Yemen. When Saudi Arabia is seen to do something that shocks people, there’s no reservoir of sympathy or support in Washington. And what happened to Khashoggi shocks the conscience.”

So now the White House, the Pentagon and the US State Department are sticking with MBS, despite his crimes, for the sake of oil and arms deals. But Congress, the CIA and the Treasury Department are backing away from their one-time ally in the name of rule of law, stopping the war in Yemen, and protecting their own reputations.

The much-vaunted US-Saudi relationship is falling apart, and, as Ignatius shows, for very good reasons.

This article was produced by the Deep State, a project of the Independent Media Institute, which provided it to Asia Times.

Jefferson Morley

Jefferson Morley is a senior writing fellow and the editor and chief correspondent of the Deep State, a project of the Independent Media Institute. He has been a reporter and editor in Washington, DC, since 1980. He spent 15 years as an editor and reporter at The Washington Post. He is the editor and co-founder of JFK Facts, a blog about the assassination of John F Kennedy. His latest book is The Ghost: The Secret Life of CIA Spymaster, James Jesus Angleton.

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