China’s shadow over South Korea’s elections

“Can I say one thing? Let me tell you one thing I learned when I went to South Korea. I asked the president several times—what was this election thing? He goes, ‘I was up in all the polls, and then the election came out – I won by like 1%.’ He goes, ‘I just couldn’t believe it, so there’s something wrong.’ I asked, ‘Well, who runs your elections?’ I didn’t get an answer. ‘Who runs your elections?’ I didn’t get an answer. Third question, ‘Who runs your elections?’ He said, ‘Huawei runs South Korean elections.’”

– Matt Schlapp

At the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) held from February 19 to 22, 2025, Matt Schlapp, chairman of the American Conservative Union (ACU), revealed a conversation between him and South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol held on December 14, 2024. Schlapp met with Yoon at his presidential residence in South Korea immediately after the National Assembly passed the impeachment motion against him.

As South Korea grapples with a deepening election watchdog scandal, questions are mounting over whether China has already infiltrated the very institution responsible for safeguarding its democracy.

With systemic corruption at the National Election Commission (NEC), judicial entanglements, and election fraud suspicions growing, the risk of foreign interference – especially from Beijing – can no longer be ignored. If South Korea fails to act, it may soon find its elections, and its future, controlled by forces beyond its borders.

On February 27, 2025, the Constitutional Court of Korea ruled that an investigation by the Board of Audit and Inspection of Korea (BAI) into hiring practices at the NEC was unconstitutional and infringed on the election watchdog’s independence. However, as soon as this ruling was announced, the auditors began releasing their earlier findings, exposing systemic nepotism and hiring irregularities within the NEC that shocked the nation.

In May 2023, allegations surfaced that high-ranking NEC officials had secured employment for their children through preferential treatment. This led to the resignation of the secretary-general and deputy secretary-general, both implicated in these unethical practices. An internal audit confirmed that they had used undue influence to secure NEC positions for their offspring – a clear violation of the State Public Officials Act.

A BAI audit of NEC hiring practices revealed 1,200 violations dating back to 2013. The audit implicated 27 individuals in corruption and abuse of power and exposed a culture of impunity in the election oversight body. An internal NEC probe in June 2023 further uncovered 21 nepotistic hires, mostly relatives of staff, that undermined meritocracy.

More shockingly, the NEC also admitted, “There have been Chinese people among the counting staff, but we don’t know how many of them worked as counting staff nationwide.” That admission increased concerns amid China’s growing influence in South Korea.

A disturbing crackdown on transparency

Rather than addressing these issues with accountability, the NEC took an even more troubling step: It proposed amendments to the Public Official Election Act to impose severe penalties on those questioning election integrity. This blatant attempt to silence legitimate scrutiny suggests that the commission is focused more on shielding itself from investigation than on ensuring transparency.

The NEC’s continuing resistance to external audits only adds to suspicion. Although the commission ultimately allowed the auditors to probe its hiring practices in 2023 under mounting public pressure, its hesitation reveals an institution unwilling to submit to genuine oversight. If election authorities refuse transparency, what assurances do South Koreans have that their votes are counted fairly?

Is election fraud a conspiracy—or a reality?

Following the Constitutional Court’s ruling on February 27, news surfaced the next day that the NEC had admitted that it followed a “tradition of hiring relatives” to ensure “trustworthy” employees.

But trustworthy for what purpose? Is it merely about insider favoritism, or something far more sinister?

For years, suspicions of election fraud in South Korea were dismissed as conspiracy theories. Yet, key political figures – including former National Assembly members and even a former prime minister – have publicly raised concerns.

While South Koreans still remain divided on whether election fraud has actually taken place, one fact is undeniable: There is now ample justification for a full, independent investigation. With mounting evidence of institutional corruption within the NEC, these concerns can no longer be ignored.

Most importantly, President Yoon’s impeachment trial centers on his rationale for deploying military forces to investigate election fraud:

1. He deployed more troops to the NEC than to the National Assembly.
2. His initial target was the NEC, not the National Assembly.

Yet, despite these actions, the Constitutional Court has consistently denied Yoon’s requests to probe fraud, heightening suspicions.

Judicial conflicts of interest and a rigged system

The Constitutional Court’s refusal to address this issue is easy to understand once we realize the deep entanglement between the NEC and the judiciary.

The NEC chairman is traditionally a sitting Supreme Court justice, as outlined in Article 114 of the Korean Constitution. Furthermore, at local and regional levels, NEC branches are often led by high court or district court judges – creating an institutional overlap that critics argue compromises judicial independence.

This setup leads to an alarming paradox: the very judges responsible for ruling on election disputes are also involved in election administration. Of the eight current Constitutional Court justices, four are former NEC heads. If election fraud were to be investigated and proven, these judges would be incriminating themselves – a fundamental conflict of interest that prevents meaningful accountability.

Imagine a sports game in which one team rigs the results and the referee is a former player from that same team. If an investigation into match-fixing were launched, the referee would have every incentive to conceal the truth rather than reveal it.

China’s shadow looms large

While corruption within the NEC is alarming on its own, a bigger threat is China’s expanding influence operations targeting South Korea’s institutions – including its elections. China has long engaged in hybrid warfare, using political, economic and cultural infiltration to sway foreign governments in its favor. China’s tactics include:

1. Rewriting history: Beijing has attempted to claim Korea’s historical heritage as part of China through the Northeast Project.
2. Cultural infiltration: South Korea was the first country in the world to host a Confucius Institute spreading pro-China ideology.
3. Illegal police operations: A secret Chinese police station was set up in Seoul to monitor and control dissidents.
4. Visa-free entry: In November 2024 China unilaterally granted visa-free entry to South Koreans, and it is now pressuring South Korea to reciprocate for Chinese nationals – a move that could facilitate deeper influence operations.
5. Media influence: Tencent, a major Chinese IT giant, purchased a 400 billion won, or $366 million, stake in the South Korean cable network JTBC in order to influence public discourse.

Viewing election meddling through the predator’s eyes

For years, those of us in democratic countries have viewed Chinese meddling in national elections through the lens of the victims. But let’s look at it from the predator’s perspective for once.

From the point of view of China – a country engaging in unrestricted warfare and attempting to bring South Korea under its control – it would be a major policy failure not to attempt to manipulate elections.

Instead of bribing and exploiting incumbent South Korean politicians’ weaknesses to forcefully turn them pro-China, the most effective strategy is to ensure that the politicians who already share pro-China ideology win the elections. And what better way is there than by infiltrating and compromising the very institution responsible for running those elections—the NEC?

The international community must wake up

China’s tactics are not unique to South Korea; they have been used in Taiwan, Canada, and the US. The erosion of democratic institutions is a slow but deliberate process. If democratic nations fail to act now, they may soon find that their own elections – and their sovereignty – are no longer in their hands.

South Korea’s crisis should serve as a stark warning: Corruption and foreign interference do not just threaten elections; they threaten democracy itself.

Hanjin Lew is a political commentator specializing in East Asian affairs and a former international spokesman for South Korean conservative parties.