Ri Il Gyu, former high-ranking North Korean Foreign Ministry official who escaped to Seoul while working in the embassy in Havana. Photo: Chosun Ilbo

The overwhelming majority of refugees who flee North Korea are generally those who live in border areas adjacent to China and do not have prominent government or economic positions.

Few are from Pyongyang because it is very difficult for citizens to travel within the country unless police and internal security officials approve the travel. Meanwhile, crossing the demilitarized zone along the 38th parallel is extremely difficult because land mines are planted in that border area, and border guards are ordered to kill illegal border crossers.

The few senior government officials who have managed to escape generally are officials in the Foreign Ministry who are living abroad on diplomatic assignments. One of the top priorities of the sizeable security forces attached to every North Korean embassy abroad is to prevent North Korean personnel from escaping.

In most cases, officials’ children, spouses or other close family members are required to remain in North Korea – almost as hostages – to ensure that diplomats serving abroad will return to Pyongyang. Frequently a story comes out of parents, children or siblings who are imprisoned, executed or otherwise punished after a relative defects while serving in a post abroad.

Concern over losing diplomats abroad puts a serious strain on North Korea’s internal security forces. Currently, Pyongyang has diplomatic missions in 46 countries and international organizations, a decline from 53 diplomatic posts in 2022. By comparison, South Korea maintains 166 resident embassies, consulates, and permanent missions, all significantly larger than North Korean posts in the same locations.

The most recent defecting North Korean diplomat Ri Il Gyu served in the North Korean embassy in Havana, Cuba, as the counselor for political affairs – a very senior political position in the embassy.

He slipped away from the embassy in late November 2023. His presence in Seoul was only made public on July 16 of this year when an interview with him was published.

Kim Jong Un’s blame game

Ri Il Gyu (left), then the North Korean foreign ministry’s deputy director general for Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East, attends a banquet commemorating the 57th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations with Cuban Ambassador to North Korea Jesús Aise Sotolongo, right, and others at the ministry’s Gobangsan guest house on the banks of the Taedong River in Pyongyang, August 29, 2017. Photo: Chosun Ilbo / Provided by Ri

His defection came just a few weeks before Cuba and South Korea established full diplomatic relations in February of this year.

The Cuban government’s decision to establish diplomatic ties with South Korea was a blow to the North Korean leadership, as Pyongyang and Havana have had a close relationship largely based on both countries’ strong hostility toward the United States.

With full diplomatic relations established between Seoul and Havana, Kim Jong Un likely would have been looking for a North Korean embassy official to blame.

It is possible [although he hasn’t said so] that Ri knew last November about South Korean efforts to establish diplomatic relations with Cuba. That diplomatic move could have had serious consequences for him and his family. Ri arranged their departure from Havana and moved to Seoul before the public announcement.

In press interviews after his defection was made public Ri Il Gyu provided significant information about North Korean diplomats who were removed from office “with extreme prejudice” because an unhappy Kim Jong-un blamed the Foreign Ministry for the failure of the second US-North Korea summit in Hanoi in February 2019.

Ri Il Gyu said that a former foreign minister (2016-2019), Ri Yong Ho, was sent to a prison camp in December 2019 on charges that he accepted bribes from a North Korean diplomat serving in Beijing – but Ri Il Gyu said Ri Yong Ho’s real “crime” was that he was the most senior official held responsible for the failed Hanoi Summit. [A Japanese newspaper reported that Ri Yong Ho had been executed.]

Firing squad execution of Han Song Ryol

Former North Korean Vice Foreign Minister Han Song Ryol, reportedly executed by firing squad in 2019. Photo: Hankyoreh

Furthermore, Ri Il Gyu discussed the execution of Deputy Foreign Minister Han Song Ryol by firing squad in February 2019, taking place shortly before the Hanoi Summit.

Han was previously the second most senior North Korean diplomat at the North Korean mission to the United Nations (UN) in New York City and became vice minister of foreign affairs dealing with US issues when he returned to Pyongyang in 2013.

Han’s execution for allegedly being a spy for the United States took place at the military academy on the outskirts of Pyongyang, and senior

Foreign Ministry officials were required to attend. Ri Il Gyu said, “For days, those who watched it could hardly eat anything.”

At that time, Ri Il Gyu was preparing for his departure from North Korea to assume his post in Havana and was not there to witness the execution, but he received first-hand information from those who did.

Other senior diplomats and the danger to their families

Although Counselor Ri Il Gyu’s defection is the most recent case of a senior North Korean diplomat defecting while serving abroad, he follows various other senior officials who have slipped away.

The highest-ranking diplomat who fled North Korea while serving abroad is Thae Yong Ho, a member of the North Korean Foreign Ministry who was deputy chief of mission (second in charge) at the North Korean embassy in London. He and his family slipped away from their residence in London and successfully fled to Seoul with South Korean help in 2016.

While most senior North Korean refugees have lived quiet lives in South Korea, Thae was immediately given considerable attention as the most senior North Korean official to escape, and he was quite willing to speak out and participate in public events. In 2020, he was elected to the South Korean National Assembly under the United Future Party for the affluent Seoul district of Gangnam, serving as an engaged member of the National Assembly.

Although Thae was unsuccessful in his campaign for reelection to the National Assembly during this year’s legislative election, he was subsequently named secretary general of the Peaceful Unification Advisory Council, a post that holds the rank of vice minister. Thae is the first North Korean refugee to hold this senior ranking in the South Korean government.

Ji Seong-ho, who is also a refugee from North Korea but not a North Korean diplomat, also served as a member of the National Assembly from 2020 to 2024. He did not represent a particular constituency but was elected on the party slate.

Other senior diplomats have also defected to South Korea. In September 2019, North Korea’s chargé d’affaires (acting ambassador) to Kuwait, Ryu Hyun Woo, went to the South Korean embassy in Kuwait and requested asylum. Although he and his family left Kuwait in 2019 and resettled in South Korea soon after, his presence in South Korea was not officially made public until January 2021.

Kuwait is important for North Korea because the third largest number of North Korean workers abroad are in Kuwait – some 10,000 North Korean laborers. Only China and Russia have more North Korean workers than Kuwait. The workers are poorly paid, live and work in harsh conditions, and the North Korean government expropriates the lion’s share of their pay.

In November 2018, North Korea’s chargé d’affaires in Italy, Jo Song Gil, and his wife disappeared with no indication of their whereabouts. This occurred shortly before they were expected to return to Pyongyang. In October 2020, a South Korean National Assembly member stated that Jo and his wife had been in South Korea since July 2019, under the protection of the South Korean government.

Jo’s defection emphasizes the risks and dangers of dealing with the brutality of the Pyongyang regime, particularly with regard to the treatment of diplomats and their families. The Italian Foreign Ministry issued a statement that it had received notice from the North Korean Embassy on November 10, 2018, that the ambassador and his wife had left the embassy.

The ministry was informed that Jo’s daughter had returned to North Korea, accompanied by female staff from the North Korean embassy, after she “requested to be reunited with her grandparents.”

Neither Seoul nor Rome made this information available for over a year out of consideration for Jo’s family members living in North Korea. There is no information about his daughter’s whereabouts or the condition of family members still in North Korea.

There may be others

Out of concern for family members still in North Korea and the brutality that the Kim regime is known to use against individuals based on the actions of their relatives, the South Korean government tends to keep information about the defection of senior diplomats highly confidential.

After his election to the National Assembly in 2020, Thae expressed concern about keeping information confidential: “For diplomats who have family members living in North Korea, to reveal their news [of defection] is a sensitive matter. That is why other former North Korean diplomats are living in South Korea without revealing their identity and the South Korean government does not reveal it either.”

The plight of high-level North Korean defectors and their relatives back in North Korea shows that for the Kim regime, everyone – from ordinary citizens to formerly favored regime elites – is seen as a potential existential threat. In such a context, human rights abuses are ubiquitous.

Robert R King is a non-resident distinguished fellow at the Korea Economic Institute of America (KEI). He is former US special envoy for North Korea human rights (2009-2017).

This article was originally published by KEI’s The Peninsula. It is republished with permission.

Robert R King is a non-resident fellow at the Korea Economic Institute of America. He is former US special envoy for North Korea human rights. He has authored five books on international relations. King holds a PhD in international relations from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University in Massachusetts. The views expressed on Asia Times are his own.

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